Transletters. International Journal of Translation and Interpreting 7(2) (2023), pp. 18-44 ISSN 2605-2954
Examining Teach-back Strategies in Healthcare
Interpreting through Case Study Research
Cristina Álvaro Aranda
Universidad de Alcalá
Received: 07/02/2023
Accepted: 01/05/2023
Abstract
Clinicians engage in interactions with migrant patients that often experience low health
literacy levels and linguistic barriers. Institutions are tasked to provide adequate
interpreting services and ensure effective communication strategies. Among these, the
teach-back (TB) method allows clinicians to check the patient’s level of understanding
by asking them to repeat what they have understood after health information is
delivered. Despite its relevance in mono-/bilingual consultations, studies on TB when
an interpreter is present are scarce. Drawing on case-study research and conversational
analysis, this paper examines a dataset of interpreted-mediated interactions involving
TB and occurring in a Spanish hospital. We aim to I) isolate instances of TB, II) detect
scenarios where TB is used, III) develop an exploratory and descriptive analysis of two
illustrative cases, and IV) provide suggestions for interpreter-clinician collaborative
usage of TB in migrant healthcare provision.
Key words
Healthcare interpreting, Teach-back, Health literacy, Cross-cultural communication,
Case-study, Conversational analysis, Interprofessional collaboration
Introduction
Communication in medical settings is complex. Throughout their education,
providers are taught to use jargon to describe body structures and processes,
disorders, and treatments, which may hinder patients’ understanding and even
Cristina Álvaro Aranda
20
jeopardise effective, safe, patient-centred care (Kimbrough, 2007; Pitt and
Hendrickson, 2020). In this context, plain language communication has gained
increasing support, as healthcare providers are responsible for educating patients
and conveying their goals and outcomes in an understandable and meaningful
way (Mendoza, 2018). The teach-back (TB) method is one of the strategies
available to medical staff to achieve this goal. It helps to assess the patients’
knowledge after health education is provided, by requesting them to state in their
own words what they have heard and understood, thus giving providers an
opportunity to check comprehension, and clarify concepts and
misunderstandings (Mahramus et al., 2014; Slater et al., 2017). This is relevant
for migrant healthcare delivery, as it is riddled with language and cultural
differences and conditioned by the effect of cultural shaping of symptoms,
diagnosis, and illness management (Rousseau and Frounfelker, 2018). In this
sense, TB has proved to be particularly useful in populations with low levels of
health literacy, including immigrants, ethnic minorities, and people who did not
speak the local language during early childhood (Caplin and Saunders, 2015;
Tamura-Lis, 2013).
Among available facilitators of communication in language-discordant medical
consultations (visual cues, hand-made writings, body language, web-based
translation applications, dictionaries, flow charts, ad hoc interpreting, etc.),
relying on professional interpreters has been described as the most effective
strategy, since they are key actors to improve health and patient safety (Kletečka-
Pulker et al., 2021). Although the usage of TB with migrant patients and/or
refugees has been documented in the literature (e.g., Juckett, 2013; Patel et al.,
2021; van der Giessen et al., 2021; Morony et al., 2017), the data are sparse on
its efficacy when interpreters are involved (see Brega et al., 2015; Drebold, 2020;
Riggs et al., 2021 for some exceptions). Drawing on case-study research (Yin,
2009), this paper resorts to conversation analysis (Pomerantz and Fehr, 2011) to
examine a selection of interpreter-mediated interactions in which TB is present
and which occurred in a hospital in Madrid, Spain. This general aim is divided
into four specific objectives: I. isolating instances of TB in a dataset of language-
discordant, interpreter-mediated medical interactions, II. proposing a taxonomy
of scenarios where TB is used, III. developing an exploratory and descriptive
analysis of two illustrative cases, and IV. providing suggestions for interpreter-
clinician collaborative usage of TB in migrant healthcare provision.
Examining Teach-back Strategies in Healthcare Interpreting through Case Study Research
21
Delivery of care for migrants: balancing different languages, cultures, and health literacy levels
Migrant patients are vulnerable in ways local patients are not. They may
experience poor health status and face linguistic, bureaucratic, social, and cultural
barriers when accessing primary and specialised care, especially upon arrival. To
illustrate, migrants often face violence before, during and after their migratory
journeys, putting them at a higher risk of experiencing mental health issues
(Carruth et al.¸2021; MHealth4All, 2022). They must live and function in a
foreign community where a different language is spoken, and it has been
demonstrated that low levels of language proficiency affect health outcomes and
even use of services (Njoki-Yli Panula and Racasag-Niemi, 2020). Additionally,
migrant patients follow unfamiliar (administrative) procedures to navigate the
host system for referrals, follow-up visits or medication. This is further
exacerbated for patients with irregular status and/or constraints, such as
housing, education, income, or employment situation. Another thing to consider
is that migrant patients potentially have their own set of health beliefs, including
relying on traditional healing specialists, as opposed to biomedical practitioners,
and varying interpretations of symptoms, treatments, or attitudes to self-care
(Juckett, 2013; Patel et al., 2021). These elements translate into dissimilar levels
of health literacy, which is reportedly lower in migrants (Wernly et al., 2020;
Njoki-Yli Panula and Racasag-Niemi, 2020; Zdanuczyk, 2022).
Health literacy is defined as the patient’s ability to obtain, understand, and use
the information required to make wise health choices (Kimbrough, 2007). This
includes, but is not limited to, understanding health promotion materials, patient
information leaflets, informed consents, and instructions given by clinicians.
Language and access to education play an important part in health literacy, but
also the idiosyncratic cultures and beliefs surrounding health, as these aspects
affect how (often) migrant patients utilise care and preventive services, interact
with providers, perceive medical needs, understand oral or printed instructions,
and adhere to medical recommendations (Kalmanek, 2020; Paasche-Orlow and
Wolf, 2007). Consequently, optimal health literacy involves adequate health
promotion and disease prevention, whereas patients with poor health literacy fail
to understand and interpret medical information (linguistically or culturally) and
may experience shame and discomfort asking for additional information
(Zdanuczyk, 2022) or even avoid appointments due to fear or stigma associated
Cristina Álvaro Aranda
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with poor comprehension levels (Drebold, 2020). Insufficient health literacy is
thus associated with health disparities, poor outcomes and increased health
system utilization and expenditure (Hersh et al., 2015; Wu et al., 2013; Lynch
and Franklin, 2019). Lastly, health literacy also affects how migrant patients
navigate the heath institutions (Zdanuczyk, 2022), as bureaucratic procedures
may vary from one country to another.
It should be noted that health literacy is not merely a patient-related
phenomenon and more recent definitions expand the emphasis on the individual
to include the role of institutions. In this sense, the Healthy People 2030
Framework distinguished between personal and organizational health literacy,
the latter being understood as the degree to which organizations equitably
enable individuals to find, understand, and use information and services to
inform health-related decisions and actions for themselves and others” (ODPH,
2022, para. 3). This means that responsibility for health literacy includes
professionals and organizations offering health services and information (ibid.),
which calls for health-based institutions to communicate relevant information
clearly and sensibly, beyond one’s proficiency in the host country language
(Zdanuczyk, 2022). Since literacy assessment plays a major role in the success of
patient-clinician communication (Kimbrough, 2007) and migrant patients
usually do not share the provider’s language, the teach-back method (TB) and
the provision of healthcare interpreting services and intercultural mediation are
useful strategies to facilitate delivery of care in multilingual, multicultural
appointments. Both concepts will be addressed in the next sections as part of
our theoretical framework.
Introducing the teach-back method: usage and advantages
TB is a health-literacy-informed strategy by which patients describe in their own
words the information presented and, when comprehension is not
demonstrated, it allows clinicians to reteach or modify teaching (Yen and
Leasure, 2019; Vianin, 2021). This can be done in one visit or across several ones
(Mendoza, 2018). From a linguistic viewpoint, TB utterances can be considered
illocutionary and perlocutionary speech acts as defined by Austin (1962), since
they entail uttering sentences in a given context (medical) for a particular purpose
(assessing the patient’s understanding) and seeking a certain response from the
addresses (convincing or persuading patients to do or realise something
concerning their health status). Underlying is the fact that professional
Examining Teach-back Strategies in Healthcare Interpreting through Case Study Research
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interpreters must be capable of understanding the speaker’s wilfulness beyond
the linguistic level, so they can create a communicate response in listeners similar
to the one which would occur if sharing the same language (Pöchhacker, 2004).
According to the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality (AHRQ, 2020),
TB should be utilized in high-risk clinical situations (i.e., scenarios requiring
immediate attention to avoid adverse events among patients), including
discharge, medicine reconciliation, informed consent, and Emergency
Department or surgical care. In such contexts, patients must be able to explain
in their own words: 1. the diagnosis and health problem for which they require(d)
assistance, 2. the nature of the necessary service, treatment, or procedure, and 3.
worsening symptoms and how to act (Tamura-Lis, 2013).
When using the teach-back method in patient education, it is important for
clinicians to emphasise that their goal is to check their own ability to explain
health information, rather than testing the patient’s knowledge (Mahramus et al.,
2014; AHRQ, 2020). To do so, providers must create a shame-free environment
in which plain language and encouraging requests facilitate understanding and
promote questions (Yen and Leasure, 2019; Slater et al., 2017; Mendoza, 2018).
Thus, asking “do you understand?” or “do you have any doubts?” is not
advisable, as patients will answer “no” due to fear, lack of literacy or intimidation
(Weiss, 2007). Instead, it is preferrable to resort to more open statements that
give patients an opportunity to interact actively, such as “We covered a lot today
and I want to make sure that I explained things clearly. So let’s review what we
discussed. Can you please describe the 3 things you agreed to do to help you
control your diabetes?” (AHRQ, 2020). Additionally, information overload must
be avoided by using “chunk and check”, which consists in delivering small
blocks of information followed by TB before proceeding to the next topic
(Brega et al., 2015).
Previous research supports using TB to reduce hospital readmission rates and
improve patients’ satisfaction, immediate and short-term knowledge retention,
adherence to treatment, and self-management of the disease, including
supervising and recognising symptoms, scheduling follow-up appointments,
using medical devices, and following dietary or medication instructions (Ha
Dinh et al., 2016; Mahajan et al., 2020; Mahramus et al., 2014; Mendoza, 2018;
Oh et al., 2021; Slater et al., 2017; Tamura-Lis, 2013). The advantages offered by
Cristina Álvaro Aranda
24
TB relate to research suggesting that patients tend to forget information or
memorise it incorrectly, thus being unaware of their lack of understanding and
giving providers a false sense of the latter, which is more noticeable for patients
with low literacy or from cultures within which is unthinkable to interrupt or
question people in positions of authority or knowledge (Morony et al., 2017; Ha
Dinh et al., 2016; Pietrzykowski and Smilowska, 2021; van der Giessen et al.,
2021). For this reason, it becomes imperative that providers initiate the
conversation and ask open-ended questions, as patients may be reluctant to do
so (Slater et al., 2017). In language-discordant consultations, this will be ideally
performed through or together with an interpreter.
Introducing healthcare interpreting
Healthcare interpreting is an umbrella term covering activities to support
bilingual health communication between patients, doctors and other health
practitioners or administrative staff (Davitti, 2019). Despite its widespread usage
and increasing demand, healthcare interpreting has not acquired professional
status to date, and the professional duties and boundaries of healthcare
interpreters, which sometimes merge with those of intercultural mediators, are
yet to be defined (Álvaro Aranda and Lázaro Gutiérrez, 2022). It is so much so
that some authors suggest merging both profiles into a single profession
encompassing both interpretation and mediation tasks (Grupo CRIT, 2014).
Similarly, over the years research has demonstrated that the role of interpreters
is not limited to strictly interpreting word for word, as they play a critical role
given their unique position in the encounter, and thus should be welcomed and
empowered as members of the care team that fully participate in interactions to
ensure patient safety (AHRQ, 2020). This resonates with the Theory of Sense
defended by Seleskovitch (1977), which stipulates that the speakers’ intended
meaning (or sense) must be preserved beyond the linguistic level, and this gives
interpreters a great deal of latitude to convey meanings, rather than words. It
also paves the way for interprofessional collaboration. For example, as part of
the assistance team, healthcare interpreters in Spain follow the principles of
beneficence and non-maleficence and are encouraged to contribute to attain
health outcomes, which may include lowering the linguistic register, engaging in
small talk, or explaining cultural aspects (Álvaro Aranda, 2020; Álvaro Aranda
and Lázaro Gutiérrez, 2022). In a similar vein, Álvaro Aranda et al. (2021) state:
Examining Teach-back Strategies in Healthcare Interpreting through Case Study Research
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Healthcare interpreters must be considered as co-healthcare professionals
and allies valuable to the healthcare team. It must be understood that
healthcare interpreters are performing roles and functions in the
consultation that doctors do not need to overlap, but rather benefit from
to provide high quality care to patients. Doctors and patients need to learn
to work together, sharing power and responsibilities, as they both strive to
ensure the patients’ well-being from different, yet complementary, points
of view (no page).
Considering the above, Schreiber et al. (2019) pinpoint the need for clinicians to
engage interpreters in interactions to ensure allophone patients have understood
complex instructions and are competent to make health decisions. One way
doctors can achieve this is using TB through an interpreter, which is the main
focus of this study (Brega et al., 2015; Sappleton et al., 2022). However, and as
mentioned in the introduction, few studies explore TB in interpreter-mediated
medical interactions. Among this limited body of research, Drebold (2020)
focused on group orientation workshops for refugees including social and
healthcare settings in which TB was used to test information recall. When
interpreters participated, session moderators did not find TB optimal, since
discussions took too long, and attention shifted from the patientsunderstanding
to the interpreters’ (ibid.). Related to this, Matsumoto (2017) suggested that
migrant patients may feel confused when clinicians use TB, as they could feel
they are asked to repeat the information to the interpreter, not back to the
provider. In Matsumoto’s opinion, this could be avoided if the interpreter
explains purpose and context: “The doctor is now asking you to describe how
you would take the medications to make sure he/she has explained it properly
to you” (ibid., p. 205).
For their part, Hommes et al. (2018) suggested that providers usually overlooked
using TB with deaf and hard of hearing patients to ensure understanding when
interpreters were involved. Similarly, but in an antenatal setting, Riggs et al.
(2021) found that midwifery staff rarely used TB with patients, mostly because
there was no additional time allocated for interpreter-mediated encounters.
Another thing to highlight is that participants in Riggs et al. (2021) reported
differing opinions. Whilst the midwife believed that information was understood
by patients using TB, the interpreter indicated that patients just repeated back
Cristina Álvaro Aranda
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what they heard without comprehending medical terms (e.g., colostrum). More
importantly, the provider misinterpreted the patients’ laugh as a sign of
amusement, but the interpreter explained that smiling and laughter are culture-
bound elements involving nervousness and embarrassment. This implies that
TB can lead to misunderstandings in cross-cultural settings and the interpreter’s
presence is, thus, essential.
Methodological approach
The aim of this exploratory and descriptive study is to gain an understanding of
TB usage in language-discordant, interpreter-mediated healthcare interactions.
To do so, we isolated examples of TB in a multilingual dataset of interactions
involving a healthcare interpreter, which were registered in 2017 in a Madrilenian
(Spain) public hospital that accommodates an onsite team of healthcare
interpreters (Álvaro Aranda, 2020). Drawing on the literature review, selection
of TB usage was based on detecting prompts aiming to evaluate the patients’
knowledge after providing (health) education, by asking them to explain in their
own words what they had understood (Mahramus et al., 2014; Slater et al., 2017).
Method of analysis
As explained earlier, communicative events including TB were selected as single
units of analysis (or cases). Following Lázaro Gutiérrez’s (2018) analysis of
medical consultations involving foreign victims of gender-based violence, we
combined the principles of case study research and conversation analysis to
construct our methodological framework. On the one hand, case study research
allows exploring, explaining, and describing specific issues or phenomena within
their real-life environment and with their contexts (Stake, 1995; Yin, 2009). This
research strategy places emphasis on the understanding of a social event, rather
than on theory testing or controlling variables (Meyer, 2016). On the other hand,
conversation analysis involves “examination of language in interaction (…) and
how social action is brought about through the close organisation of talk”
(Antaki, 2011: p. 1-2). It studies both informal and formal interactions and
examines the configuration of conduct across settings of understanding and
production (Pomerantz and Fehr, 2011).
Examining Teach-back Strategies in Healthcare Interpreting through Case Study Research
27
Data collection and ethical considerations
The study was carried out with an authorisation of the University of Alcalá
(Madrid, Spain) and the board of the participating team of interpreters. Data
were drawn from direct observation through a structured protocol sheet and
fieldnotes (Flick, 2009). This allowed us to manually write down pertinent
excerpts, which provided the basis for data analysis, as interactions could not be
recorded due to privacy issues and institutional constraints. In addition, the
researcher obtained oral informed consent from all participants (i.e., patients,
interpreters, hospital staff) before joining the interactions, which was
conveniently registered. More precisely, participants received background
information about the study and were informed about guaranteed confidentiality
and their right to withdraw without providing any reason at any time. When
faced with communication barriers, we made use of interpreters to obtain
consent from allophone patients.
Participants
Five healthcare interpreters consented to participate in the study. They were
assigned a unique identification code to guarantee anonymity (e.g., Interpreter 1)
and completed a registration form, which included education, years of
professional experience and demographic information (see Table 1). Four
participants had no work experience. They were still completing their internships
as part of the curriculum of the MA in Intercultural Communication, Public
Service Interpreting and Translation at the University of Alcalá, Spain. This
programme contains a module focusing on healthcare interpreting and
translation, which combines theoretical lectures and practical exercises to
examine intercultural mediation, interpreting strategies, ethical dilemmas, codes
of ethics and terminology, amongst other aspects (Álvaro Aranda et al., 2021).
Interpreter 1, however, had four years of working experience in the field and
had received on-the-job training in healthcare interpreting and intercultural
mediation, Spanish administrative procedures in national and local healthcare
institutions, ethical principles, specialised terminology, and diseases regularly
treated at the hospital where the study was conducted.
Cristina Álvaro Aranda
28
Gend
er
Age
National
ity
Employ
ment
status
Working
language
Training in
healthcare
interpreting
Professional
experience in
healthcare
interpreting
Inter
prete
r 1
Fema
le
28
Spanish
Staff
interpret
er
Spanish
<>Fren
ch/Engli
sh/Arab
ic
On-the-job
training (1
month)
4 years
Inter
prete
r 2
Fema
le
23
Spanish
Intern
Spanish
<>Fren
ch
MA (2
months)
-
Inter
prete
r 3
Fema
le
22
Spanish
Intern
Spanish
<>Fren
ch
MA (2
months)
-
Inter
prete
r 4
Fema
le
23
Spanish
Intern
Spanish
<>Fren
ch
MA (2
months)
-
Inter
prete
r 5
Male
22
Spanish
Intern
Spanish
<>Fren
ch
MA (2
months)
-
Table 1. Profile of healthcare interpreters (n=5)
As detailed elsewhere (Álvaro Aranda, 2021), interpreters of the sample
interacted with different hospital staff (including doctors, nurses, administrative
personnel, ward clerks, janitors, x-ray, and ultrasound technicians) and allophone
patients facing communication needs. Patients were usually male, Sub-Saharan
economic migrants (92.65 %) aged between 15-30 years (58.82 %) who targeted
Spain either as their first stop or as their destination in Europe. Most patients
were mother tongue speakers of African languages, but French served as a lingua
franca in most events, as this language enjoys official status in the patients’
countries of origin due to past colonization.
Examining Teach-back Strategies in Healthcare Interpreting through Case Study Research
29
Analysis
Following the selection criteria earlier described, we identified a total of 12
interactions in which TB is present. A preliminary observation that can be drawn
from our dataset is that communicative events are classified into two groups: a
first group of interactions involving patient, interpreter, and healthcare providers
(e.g., medical consultation) and a second group involving just patient and
interpreter (e.g., walking patients to the exit). Figure 1 shows specific
information. In any case, it is essential to highlight that TB is always initiated by
interpreters (12 events, 100%).
Figure 1. TB usage per type of participants
In our dataset, we can observe two different scenarios in which TB is used: mid-
consultation (5 events, 41.7%) and post-consultation (7 events, 58.3%). TB is
always employed as a communication tool (3 events, 100%) whilst the medical
consultation is taking place in interpreter-patient-healthcare provider
9 (75%)
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
Interpreter-patient Interpreter-patient-healthcare provider
Cristina Álvaro Aranda
30
interactions. Contrarily, encounters involving just patient and interpreter occur
both mid- (2 events, 22.2%) and post-consultation (7 events, 77.8%). Dyadic
encounters between patient and interpreter are observed when the doctor leaves
the consultation room momentarily before the session comes to an end (i.e.,
mid-consultation) or, alternatively, when interpreters accompany patients to
schedule follow-up appointments, walk them to the exit, or answer their
questions, despite the medical consultation being finished and the healthcare
provider not being present anymore (i.e., post-consultation).
Furthermore, topics evaluated by TB include general descriptions and/or
worsening symptoms of the patient’s condition (6 cases, 50%), instructions to
perform additional testing, such as stool collection (3 cases, 25%), and, finally,
revising patient’s schedules to ensure they know the dates and locations of their
future medical appointments (3 cases, 25%).
Presentation of cases
This section examines two illustrative cases from our dataset: I. an Urology
consultation and II. a Tropical Medicine Consultation. They were selected
because they are thought to represent a wider number of cases that can be
extrapolated, replicated, and validated in other settings and organizational
contexts (Seawright and Gerring, 2008). Following the principles of case-study
research, we proceed to describe each case in-depth and interpret the observed
interactions, without attempting to generalise our insights. Thus, we do not
intend to produce scientific generalisations, but we aim for naturalistic
generalisation and transferability, that is, to offer findings that can be applied to
other cases (Gomm et al., 2000).
Concerning data presentation, patients communicate in French, healthcare
providers are native speakers of Spanish, and healthcare interpreters switch
between both languages as interactions unfold. To facilitate understanding and
research dissemination, excerpts are translated into English by the author, who
holds a PhD in Modern Languages and Translation. Body language and actions
appear in italics between brackets and (Interpretation to “language”) refers to
close renditions (Wadensjö, 1998).
Examining Teach-back Strategies in Healthcare Interpreting through Case Study Research
31
Case 1: Tropical Medicine consultation
Case 1 is a Tropical Medicine consultation involving patient, doctor, and
interpreter. Although more interpreters are present as spectators, we will focus
solely on Interpreter 1, as she is the only one that resorts to TB. The doctor is
an Argentinian woman specialised in Tropical Medicine, whilst the patient is a
Guinean male infected with Hepatitis B and tuberculosis who attends a follow-
up visit to evaluate his adherence to tuberculosis treatment and, subsequently,
prescribe a new one.
The patient is concerned about the possibility of transmitting Hepatitis B to his
children and asks the doctor several times for a cure. The doctor, however,
repeats that there is no cure available, since providers rely on vaccinations during
childhood for prevention, but reinforces that his partner can get vaccinated
before having unprotected sexual intercourse. When the patient nods, the doctor
proceeds to prescribe the new treatment and informs him that they need to
monitor his liver function routinely to ensure it does not deteriorate. Since the
patient does not seem satisfied with the doctor’s previous explanations and
continues repeating the same questions, the provider leaves the consultation
room momentarily in search of a more experienced colleague that can assist her.
The following interaction occurs:
Excerpt 1
(…)
Interpreter 1: Écoute, il y a deux types de personnes : celles qui surmontent la
maladie et celles qui ne le font pas. Mais dans les deux cas, la maladie est là. Dans
ton cas, ton corps contrôle la maladie et tu n'as pas besoin des médicaments, mais
elle est et c'est pour ça que tu peux la transmettre. Quand tu veux avoir des
enfants, tu fais venir ta femme ici pour la vacciner pour que la maladie ne soit
pas transmise à tes enfants. Si nous sommes vaccinés, nous sommes protégés. Si
nous ne sommes pas vaccinés, nous ne sommes pas protégés, et nous pouvons
transmettre la maladie. Alors... tu es malade ? (Look, there are two types of
people: those who overcome the disease and those who do not. But in both cases,
the disease is there. In your case, your body controls the disease and you don't
need to take medicine, but it's there and that's why you can transmit it. When you
want to have children, you bring your wife here to vaccinate her so that the
disease is not transmitted to your children. If we are vaccinated, we are protected.
Cristina Álvaro Aranda
32
If we are not vaccinated, we are not protected, and we can transmit the disease.
So... are you sick?)
Patient: Oui (Yes)
Interpreter 1: Non, si tu étais malade, tu aurais ces symptômes : fièvre, fatigue,
nausées... Donc, es-tu malade ? (No, if you were ill, you would have these
symptoms: fever, fatigue, nausea... So, are you sick?)
Patient: Non (No).
Interpreter 1: Bien sûr. Es-tu malade ? (Of course. Are you ill?)
Patient: Non (No)
Interpreter 1: As-tu un virus transmissible ? (Do you have a transmissible virus?)
Patient: Oui (Yes)
[The doctor returns with a colleague]
(…)
As we can see in Excerpt 1, TB occurs mid-consultation whilst the provider is
not present. More precisely, the interpreter seizes the opportunity to provide
health information to the migrant patient in a more understandable manner. In
so doing, she summarises the points covered by the doctor during the
consultation and presents them in a way accessible to the patient, thus
transmitting sense instead of an exact word-for-word rendering (Seleskovitch,
1977). Whilst the doctor is absent, Interpreter 1 checks the patient’s level of
understanding through TB before the clinician arrives accompanied by a senior
doctor. In this case, TB aims to help the patient comprehend his health problem
and how to act accordingly (Tamura-Lis, 2013).
However, the interpreter fails to create a distended environment, as she asks
closed yes/no questions, instead of giving the patient the chance to demonstrate
his knowledge and explain in his own words what he has understood (Mahramus
et al., 2014). It could be argued that this is a more straightforward, save-timing
strategy to assess the patient’s understanding, but it should not be overlooked
that he may feel intimidated or judged (Weiss, 2007), which could give the
interpreter the false impression that he has indeed understood and internalised
health information (Morony et al., 2017; Ha Dinh et al., 2016; Pietrzykowski and
Smilowska, 2021; van der Giessen et al., 2021). Although Interpreter 1 informs
the providers of the conversation that has occurred in their absence when they
return, TB only works to a certain extent in Excerpt 1, since at this point there
Examining Teach-back Strategies in Healthcare Interpreting through Case Study Research
33
is no certainty that the patient has no additional doubts about his condition and
treatment.
The medical consultation continues, and the senior doctor provides health
information to the patient, trying to clarify his doubts about his diagnosis and
treatment whilst the other clinician observes. Notwithstanding this, the patient
is still confused, and Interpreter 1 raises her hand to halt the conversation and
intervene:
Excerpt 2
Interpreter 1: Él está entendiendo lo contrario. Cree que el tratamiento es para
proteger su hígado de la hepatitis B (He is understanding the opposite. He
believes that the treatment is to protect his liver from hepatitis B)
Senior doctor: No, la pastilla es para controlar la tuberculosis, que puede afectar
al hígado, por eso le haremos análisis. La hepatitis B es otra cosa (No, the pill is
to control tuberculosis, which can affect the liver, that’s why we’ll run some tests.
Hepatitis B is something else)
(Interpretation to French)
Interpreter 1: Tu as deux choses : l'hépatite et la tuberculose. Le traitement que
tu prends est pour la tuberculose, qui n'a rien à voir avec l'hépatite. Alors, (name
of patient), à quoi sert les médicaments ? (You have two things: hepatitis and
tuberculosis. The treatment you are taking is for tuberculosis, which has nothing
to do with hepatitis. So, (name of patient), what is the medicine for?)
Patient: Pour la tuberculose (For tuberculosis)
Interpreter 1: Pour quoi tu vendra ici ? Pour voir quoi ? (What are you coming
here for? To see what?)
Patient: Le foi (The liver)
[The interpreter nods and looks at the doctors]
Interpreter 1: Creo que ya está (OK, I think that’s it).
Senior doctor: Vale, pues vamos fuera y le damos los volantes de las citas y demás
(OK, so let’s go outside so we can give him his referral notes and stuff)
(…)
Cristina Álvaro Aranda
34
As shown in Excerpt 2, the doctor’s informative and prescriptive intentionality
is not reaching the patient, which implies that the desired response is failing to
be transmitted. Thus, Interpreter 1 announces that the patient does not
understand his disease conditions and plan of care. This leads the senior doctor
to provide an additional explanation, which the interpreter appropriately renders
into French. However, she decides to assume a much more central role and
poses several questions to evaluate the patient’s comprehension. Once she is
satisfied with the answers, she turns to the doctors and indicates that he has
allegedly interiorised the health education and instructions provided. Instead of
double-checking this herself, the senior doctor trusts the interpreter’s criteria
and moves on to subsequent stages of the consultation. In line with AHRQ’s
guidelines (2020) and authors such as Álvaro Aranda et. al. (2021), Interpreter 1
is welcomed as a member of the care team that contributes to attain health safety
and outcomes by means of TB.
Case 2: Urology consultation
Case 2 includes TB usage in a Urology consultation involving patient, provider,
and Interpreter 1. Interpreter 4, who shadows her more experienced colleague,
is also present, but she remains silent throughout the interaction. Concerning
the remaining participants, the patient is a nineteen-year-old Guinean male
patient with a varicocele that attends a follow-up medical visit to get the results
of an ultrasound scan and a spermiogram, whilst the urologist is male native
speaker of Spanish with an acceptable command of French. Nevertheless, the
interpreter facilitates communication to ensure there are no misunderstandings
or cultural nuances that may hinder the session.
Before communicating the results, the clinician elicits the patient’s pain history
and inquiries about any differences in the size of his varicocele. Throughout the
consultation, the clinician uses technical language (e.g., infertility, sperm). The
interpreter, who has worked with the patient before and is aware of his low level
of health literacy, frequently asks the patient if he understands the medical terms
employed by the clinician. When he admits he does not, the interpreter informs
the doctor so he can lower the register. Excerpt 3 takes place in this context:
Excerpt 3
(…)
Doctor: Vale, dile que el seminograma está bien (OK, tell him that the
seminogram is normal).
Examining Teach-back Strategies in Healthcare Interpreting through Case Study Research
35
Interpreter 1: Le médecin dit: Dis-lui que le spermogramme est bon. (The
doctor says: OK, tell him that the seminogram is normal)
[The patient nods]
Doctor: Bueno, como parece que el seminograma está bien de momento no va a
hacer falta operar el seminograma. (Well, as it seems that the seminogram is
normal there’s no need to operate the seminogram for now)
Interpreter 1: Perdona, ¿has dicho operar el seminograma? (Excuse me, did you
say operate the seminogram?)
Doctor: El varicocele (The varicocele).
(Interpretation to French)
Interpreter 1: (Name of patient), avez-vous compris ? Répétez-le, répétez ce que
vous avez compris (Name of patient, do you understand? Repeat it, repeat what
you have understood)
Patient: Oui, comme la douleur n'est pas grave, je ne me fais pas opérer (Yes, as
the pain is not serious, I don’t need to have surgery)
Interpreter 1: Le he preguntado si lo ha entendido y dice que como el dolor no
es grave no hace falta que se opere (I asked him if he has understood and he says
that he doesn’t need to have surgery because the pain is not serious)
Doctor: No, no, ese no es el criterio. Quiero decir que como los resultados del
análisis están bien no hace falta que se opere (No, no, that’s not the criteria. What
I want to say is that there’s no need for him to have surgery because the results
of the analysis are normal)
(…)
Excerpt 3 is a perfect example of doctor-interpreter interprofessional
collaboration to accommodate the patient’s communicative needs and health
literacy level. Contrary to Excerpt 1, in which the interpreter poses yes/no
questions, TB is delivered by means of a more open statement: “Repeat it, repeat
what you have understood.” In line with the AHRQ’s high-risk scenarios (2020),
Interpreter 1 gives the patient a chance to demonstrate his understanding when
surgical care is discussed. This is done before proceeding to the next topic of the
consultation, thus using “chunk and check (Brega et al., 2015). Since the
patient’s answer reveals a lack of understanding, the doctor clarifies the surgery
Cristina Álvaro Aranda
36
eligibility criteria, thus modifying previous teaching (Yen and Leasure, 2019;
Vianin, 2021). In this case, TB serves as an effective strategy successfully
implemented to gauge the patient’s understanding and act accordingly.
Subsequent phases of the consultation include a description of worsening
symptoms, pain management medication and future follow-up visits. Once the
session is terminated, Interpreter 1 accompanies the patient to schedule his next
appointment. Excerpt 4 is extracted from this stage:
Excerpt 4
Interpreter 1: Tu as tout compris, (name of patient), tu as des questions ? (Did
you understand everything (name of patient), do you have any questions?)
Patient: No, no (Non, non)
Interpreter 1: Vale (OK) (To the doctor) Muchas gracias, hasta luego (Thank you
very much, see you)
Doctor: Hasta luego (See you)
[The interpreter and the patient walk to the administration desk]
Interpreter 1: Le prochain rendez-vous sera ici dans deux ans. Qu'est-ce que le
médecin t’a dit que tu dois utiliser quand ça fait mal ? (The next appointment will
be here in two years. What did he doctor tell you that you must use when it
hurts?)
Patient: Des slips (Briefs)
Interpreter 1: Oui (Yes)
Patient: Mais… Qu’est ce qui se passe? Je ne peux pas prendre des médicaments
? (But… What happens? I can’t take any medication?)
Interpreter 1: Si, tu peux (Yes, you can)
Patient: Lequel ? (Which one?)
Interpreter 1: Je t’ai demandé si tu avais des questions et tu as dit non. Tu ne
peux pas quitter la salle de consultation avec des questions, tout doit toujours
être clair. On va y retourner (I asked you if you had questions and you said no.
You can’t leave the consultation room with questions, everything must always be
clear. We’re going back)
Excerpt 4 readily illustrates culturally-based health attitudes preventing patients
to interrupt the doctor or admit they lack understanding (Morony et al., 2017;
Ha Dinh et al., 2016; Pietrzykowski and Smilowska, 2021; van der Giessen et al.,
2021). Interestingly, Interpreter 1 gives the patient the chance to ask questions
Examining Teach-back Strategies in Healthcare Interpreting through Case Study Research
37
but, following Weiss (2007) and Zdanuczyk (2022), he refuses to do so because
he either feels fear, embarrassment, or intimidation in the presence of the doctor.
Both urologist and interpreter thus fail to create a shame-free environment
within which the patient is comfortable enough to ask questions without being
encouraged to (Yen and Leasure, 2019; Slater et al., 2017; Mendoza, 2018).
Nevertheless, Interpreter 1 uses TB again once she is alone with the patient. On
this occasion, she enquires about specific topics, and, in the absence of the
clinician, the patient poses a question concerning his medication. Interpreter 1
refuses to reply and, instead, returns to the consultation room to ask the doctor
so he can solve the patient’s doubts.
Discussion
The central goal of this paper is to broaden the knowledge of TB usage in
interpreter-mediated, healthcare consultations. We combine the principles of
case-study research and conversation analysis to examine a dataset of
multilingual, multicultural events that occurred in a hospital in Madrid, Spain.
In line with the literature findings, patients in our dataset have a low level of
health literacy (Caplin and Saunders, 2015; Tamura-Lis, 2013). This does not
solely apply to general knowledge about their condition (6 cases, 50%), but also
regarding how to perform additional testing (3 cases, 25%) and navigate
administrative procedures in the host health institution (3 cases, 25%). Thus, our
proposal for scenarios in which TB is employed serves to illustrate the
complexity of healthcare delivery in migrant care.
Furthermore, our findings indicate that TB is decisive for patient understanding
and compliance of treatment, which resonates with previous literature on the
topic (e.g., Mahramus et al., 2014; Mendoza, 2018). In our dataset in general, and
in the two cases presented in particular, interpreters always initiate TB usage
(Excerpts 1, 2, 3, 4), even in the absence of the physician (9 cases, 75%), both
mid- (2 events, 22.2%) and post-consultation (7 events, 77.8%). This engages
with research promoting interpreters as members of the care team that
participate actively to ensure patient safety, patient autonomy, and positive
health outcomes (AHRQ, 2020; Schreiber et al., 2019; Álvaro Aranda et al.,
Cristina Álvaro Aranda
38
2021), but contradicts protocols suggesting clinicians to initiate TB and ask
open-ended questions themselves (Slater et al., 2017).
Providers thus overlook using TB when interpreters are involved, an observation
also present in other studies (see Hommes et al., 2018; Riggs et al., 2021). As
migrant patients usually avoid asking questions due to fear, intimidation, or
embarrassment (Weiss, 2007), it is essential to promote clinician-interpreter
interprofessional collaboration. However, TB in interpreter-patient-doctor
encounters is solely observed in 3 events (25%). This leads us to believe that,
when it comes to TB, doctors and interpreters of the sample are not familiar
with collaborative practices.
For the reasons detailed above, it is important to underline that successful usage
of TB requires a multifaceted, coordinated approach that should be taught in
interprofessional training modules and/or ongoing education. In our dataset,
doctors avoid using TB with migrant patients and interpreters often resort to
“yes/no questions” (Excerpt 1), instead of more open statements as suggested
in the literature (AHRQ, 2020; Weiss, 2007). In this sense, Excerpt 3 could be
taken as a point of departure to develop more sophisticated training proposals.
More precisely, the interpreter invites the patient to teach back the health
education received and informs the doctor of his response. This gives the
clinician a chance to act and provide additional explanations and corrections in
a culturally appropriate fashion, always aided by the interpreter.
Our findings can be understood as a plea for interprofessional collaboration and
education. Health systems worldwide face daily pressures responding to
increasingly dynamic patient demographics and are tasked with implementing
culturally responsive practices in the delivery of care for patients with a migrant
background. In such context, understanding the workings of specific
environments of interpretation and the underlying techniques available (e.g., the
TB method) is essential to cover the aims of medical communication. Rather
than being disconnected from each other, universities and other education
institutions should offer a meeting ground for trainees from different, yet
interconnected, disciplines (in this case, students enrolled in Medicine and
Interpreting and/or Translation programmes).
This would be interesting to implement in universities offering both
programmes by introducing subjects combining theoretical principles from both
fields of knowledge (e.g., how to verify patients understanding through teach-
back, health literacy, cultural differences and varying perceptions of health and
self-management of illness, guidelines for working with healthcare interpreters,
Examining Teach-back Strategies in Healthcare Interpreting through Case Study Research
39
etc.) and several practical activities in the shape of roleplays. These could be
structured around specific challenges in migrant healthcare delivery to test both
Medicine and Translation/Interpreting trainees (e.g., a patient who does not
understand how to measure his glucose levels). Ideally, students would practice
in small groups and, eventually, in front of the class to facilitate collective,
interdisciplinary reflection, which would be supervised by educators with
expertise and professional experience in Medicine and/or
Interpreting/Translation.
Conclusions
Recent definitions of health literacy underline the role of organizations in
providing accessible health information equitably to all individuals (ODPH,
2022). In our multicultural, multilingual societies, this undeniably includes the
provision of language services and culturally responsive communicative
strategies for patients with low educational levels, which include TB. In fact, TB
usage has the potential to improve healthcare delivery for migrant patients with
low literacy levels and, thus, contribute to the attainment of socially inclusive,
equalitarian societies. Due to the limited size of our sample (TB is used in only
12 events), results presented here cannot be generalised, but they could be tested
and replicated in different organizational contexts by other researchers
interested in TB, which is the aim of naturalistic generalisation or transferability
(Gomm et al., 2000). Potential lines for future research include the replication
of the study in different institutions to increment our dataset. In turn, new data
will serve to develop role play scenarios based on real situations and a wider
range of topics, and this will allow designing interprofessional education options
(and thus, collaborative practices) between future healthcare interpreters and
clinicians.
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